Open

2. SUMMARISED FINDINGS FOR EACH OF THE THREE COUNTRIES: MAIN TOPICS OR CATEGORIES

2.1 SUMMARY_CROATIA

During the last couple of decades, independent cultural actors in Croatia aspired (in some cases succeeding) to gain some sort of participation in the use of the cultural (public) infrastructure and its governance, while researchers and activists put great effort into untangling the conditions and relations in this field, trying to develop new governance models that could address the needs of independent culture on the one hand and the conditions the owners of the spaces place on their use on the other. After years, even decades of such efforts, the independent scene arrived at particular issues regarding the transformations and transitions to some new, yet-to-be, future state of affairs. The main observations and conclusions after interviewing fifteen people in Pula, Rijeka and Zagreb are that the independent scene is not unanimous, but heterogeneous, and that it is vibrant, self-reflective, willing and energetic, but that in some aspects it is also stuck “somewhere in-between”. We could identify issues such as the persistence of ideas and values, yet accompanied by notable changes in the context; a changing attitude towards governing independent spaces; changes in organisational modes of cultural initiatives; changes in attitudes towards the buildings/complexes used for independent culture; a very strong, widespread need for a generational transition; a strong tendency towards self-reflection and self-investigation on the independent scene, etc. Here, we would like to pinpoint three main topics or categories of issues that we see as defining the state of affairs in Croatia at this point.

Persisting ideas and values, but in a changing context

Most respondents in the interviews recognised that the main ideas or values behind their stories had not changed throughout the years or even decades, but the context changed significantly. And they spoke about struggles in coping with these changes. Political surroundings are changing constantly, although not only for the worse: sometimes, they bring some fresh attitudes, as has happened with the Možemo! Party, which mostly grew out of the independent scene and created (in some aspects) better conditions for the scene. However, at the same time, the scene lost many key people who were the driving forces and the glue of the scene, as they went into politics or public jobs, and many also abroad. Economic circumstances are also changing all the time, sometimes even for the better, for instance, with the creation of the Kultura nova cultural foundation, or increased EU funding, but this also has another side, since structural funding is bureaucratically demanding and is (re)shaping organisations or overinstitutionalising them. Yet, in many cases, culture is facing cutdowns, independent culture even more so, while “cultural industries” are increasingly fostered through public financing. Changes in the context are also related to the organisational side of things, since the younger generations no longer feel as connected to institutions or organisations (or to specific buildings or complexes), as new digital technologies and the project-oriented way of doing things changed both the conditions for, and their approaches to, collaboration and networking. Instead, they operate along the models of “organising without organisations”, such as through digital platforms or informal initiatives.

Uncomfortable generational transition

What we have observed as happening in many independent centres and within particular organisations on the scene is a more or less uncomfortable generational transition. We can recognise this process of transition preoccupying the actors on the scene in a number of aspects, like organisational aspects, matters of employment, attitude towards spaces, future visions, etc. Since most of the independent centres or initiatives and networks of the independent scene targeted in this research were established in the late 1990s and the 2000s, many of the pioneers of the scene have lost their enthusiasm, reaching an age when personal challenges such as lack of energy and health issues arise, while at the same time many new younger actors arrived on the scene. Thus, the generational transition is not only something that needs to happen, but is actually happening regardless of whether the actors on the scene are aware of it (and in control of it) or not. This transition is happening between at least two different generations; the first one being the founders, pioneers of the civil society movement in the post-Yugoslavian world, who dedicated their lives to the independent cultural scene, squatted the deserted army or industrial buildings and complexes (most of them in bad shape), founded associations, institutes and networks, identified themselves as squatters and activists, and with time became exhausted from the work of taking care of these (often huge and ruined) buildings and complexes. And on the other hand, there are the younger generations who came into the already settled independent centres, into already partly professionalised civil society organisations, into the already somewhat-organised communities that took hold in these buildings and complexes, while themselves being more nomadic and fluctuating in their living habits. Most importantly, the younger generations don't bother much with the questions of governance over these spaces, or even with the spaces as such. This transition of generations has to deal with the need for the pioneers’ work to be appreciated, for the somewhat different dreams of the young to be recognised, and for letting go of some previous modes of societal struggles and accepting some new ones. The issue lies in the fact that each new generation coming to the scene, despite having similar ideas and values, will not (cannot) take on the dreams of the previous generation.

The self-reflective and self-investigating independent sector

As the third topic or category of aspects recognised in the course of this research trip, we would stress that the independent cultural scene in Croatia is very strong in, and dedicated to, research and self-reflection, that is, that it conducts organised research and investigations Into the (independent) cultural scene on the one hand, and also, even more importantly, it practises a culture of self-reflection. This was clear in the interviews, where most of the respondents were discussing the situation with a deep (self)reflection and critical views on the independent scene itself, not only on the external conditions. In this regard, it is also important to stress that the scene is developing the tools to handle societal and organisational memory (alternative archives, independent radios, glossaries, research reports, etc.), and new methodologies and tools to address the social needs (city walks, book liberation machines, innovative use of public spaces, imaginary city quarters, new governance models, etc.). As a result of this quality, we could recognise that the actors on the independent scene are more or less aware of who is carrying the status quo and how, what are the conditions that give shape to the current status quo and why it is hard to fight the status quo and break its spell. If encouraged, they are prepared to say it out loud and to discuss how to deal with the situation.

The first two topics we recognised show the clusters of difficulties and issues the independent sector in Croatia is facing regarding the use of (public) spaces, while the third shows the real strength of the sector, and maybe also the main potential for growth from developing new approaches and tools for (re)building independent cultural spaces in the future.

2.2 SUMMARY_KOSOVO

Most distinctive for the Kosovo scene are the citizens’ struggles to defend and preserve old cinemas, namely Kino Lumbardhi in Prizren and Kino Jusuf Gervalla in Peja, which is closely connected with the emergence of other cultural and social spaces in the country. The current state of Kosovo's independent cultural scene could be described as a ‘flourishing phase’ or as being at the tipping point of experiencing full institutional recognition. Several facts support this interpretation. First, the confirmed existence of a political will and openness towards the institutionalisation of independent culture at the national level, visible in intense policy making activity across cultural fields; increases in the national and local budgets for culture; innovations in grant-awarding procedures, and declared intention to improve the living conditions of artists, among others. The current political moment, together with the historical lack of institutionalisation in culture, may therefore be interpreted as a window of opportunity open to innovative solutions, to the ‘new’ and the contemporary, creating the space for independent cultural actors to exert their influence and contribute towards setting future developmental trajectories. Second, the existence of a vibrant, innovative, brave and young scene, which is very well networked within itself both regionally and internationally, and which has been producing some of the most significant cultural content in the country, pushing boundaries, introducing new topics, and generally infusing the local discourses with the contemporary cultural and artistic topics and trends. The youthfulness of the scene, where many young people under 30 are active, should particularly be underlined, as it sets the Kosovo scene apart from the wider region and Europe, as it brings with it audacity and readiness to undertake almost unimaginable, risky tasks. This youthful aspect may apply to the scene on the whole as, regardless of the existence of reputable institutions that have existed for a longer while, such as Dokufest or Oda Theater, the scene is currently also marked by organisations founded five or ten years ago, such as Termokiss, Stereo Space, or Foundation 17. Third, the overall youth of the country, its population, and the scene, in combination with the current set-up of the institutional cultural system, greatly contributes to a generally positive attitude, or even ‘institutional optimism’, whose full effects have yet to be established. As a downside, there remains the pervasive centrality of the issue of public space use, still favouring business actors over cultural and social ones, regardless of the changes in the relevant legislation, also indicating the possible reach and limits of the ongoing intense policymaking activities. In the interviews, figures in independent culture also share their fear of loss of their spaces, due to the volatility of local governments or political instability in general. Though many of them were entrusted with governance of public spaces, often with utility expenses covered, in a changed situation such arrangements may easily be altered. These are just some of the issues elaborated further in the text.

Access to public space

Regardless of the amendments to the Law on Property Regulation, whereby social initiatives and organisations are now also cited as the possible users of communal, public property – an innovation instigated by the actors from the scene, namely Termokiss – implementation of this law still lags behind its written promises. In the interviews, the preferential treatment of business actors when entrusting public space for use is perceived as connected to a climate of corruption and clientelism, but also to the legacies of post-war, internationally led peacebuilding processes that integrated economic neoliberalism into the country’s basic organising principles. This continued after the country gained independence, particularly through the momentum of unhinged privatisation, which was openly contested by the actors in independent culture, as one of the few such voices in the country. After civic mobilizations for the defence of the Lumbardhi cinema from privatisation, a critical mass formed, with similar scenarios occurring in other cities. Overall, regardless of the legal changes, the need to “resist very aggressive market-oriented developments and instead, put the community aspect at the forefront”, as well as “to elevate [the public space as a principle], make easier to get access to it, and bring it to the forefront of public interest” (KCSF), still represents an on-going, central struggle of the Kosovo civil scene.

A related issue is that of political volatility and instability, particularly on the local level, both regarding partnership relations with the cultural organisations, and the fact that very few governments complete a full mandate. Divergence and oscillations in the relations between the municipality and several cultural organisations in a single city reveal a surprising lack of systematisation and professionalism, and may further point to the existence of different clientelist relations. Instead of conducting cultural policy on a case-by-case basis, there arises the need to pass this ‘trial and error’ phase and to standardise and regulate the use of public property for cultural purposes. Furthermore, this political volatility increases the possibility of revoking the established agreements on public space use, further exacerbating the vulnerability and precarity of independent cultural organisations. In the interviews, the need to explain and introduce one’s work to new governing structures over and over again is often stated as being exceptionally draining. This need to keep re-introducing the nature and objectives of independent culture to the authorities further points to the fact that the so-called ‘process of educating’ the politicians and the mainstream in Kosovo and the mainstream about the principal characteristics of the independent cultural scene is still very much ongoing.

Youth – of the country, the people, and the scene

The fact of having Europe’s youngest population, with a median age of 27, where 55% of the population is under 30 and a third under the age of 18, is very apparent on Kosovo’s independent scene. The importance of maintaining contact with this segment of the population, engaging with them, and keeping spaces open and accessible to them was expressed by almost everyone interviewed (even the youngest interviewee, aged 26, stressed the importance of engaging with youth and children). In the Kosovo context, it is not that uncommon for people to join cultural organisations at the age of 16, or to become a festival director at 22. This youthful energy can be seen as inherent to both the country and the scene, characterised by the audacity to entertain risky, almost unimaginable ideas, but also the willingness to take action and contribute to the post-war flourishing and development of Europe's youngest state. This, however, does not exclude the existence of long-term/mid-generation cultural organisations, particularly as reputable institutions, such as Dokufest, Qendra Multimedia, Anibar or Oda Theater, have been carrying and building the scene for over 20 years.

The interviewees have stressed volunteering as the principal means of youth engagement. Serving as a mechanism of inclusion, education, recruitment and communication, volunteering not only created whole new generations of cultural workers, but has also immensely contributed to cities' cultural scenes. This is most visible in Prizren and Peja, where over the years, the two festivals engaged a considerable number of young people through educational and volunteering activities, thus also serving as a kind of civic academy, educating new generations of active citizens, creating a positive and encouraging atmosphere, motivating youth to become a part of it. Moreover, independent culture organisations’ volunteering activities can be seen as a sort of incubator of new cultural activities and festivals, such as Road Fest in Peja, which was founded by former volunteers of the Anibar Festival.

Optimism

Arising from everything mentioned here, all the issues intertwined, optimism imposes itself as the third principal characteristic of Kosovo's independent scene. The reasons for this may be found in the indicated ‘institutional optimism’, and the fact that the structural aspect of the scene is still greatly under construction by the government that is openly in favour of the independent segment of the cultural sector. Budget increases for culture, innovations in fundraising, the presence of some international donors and instruments unavailable in other countries of the region, multi-annual funding cycles, increased grant amounts – all this supports and feeds into the overall optimistic attitude towards the near future. Combined with the aforementioned youthful aspect of the scene, the expectations and energy seem rather high and positive, as often expressed by the interviewees.

The possible downsides of such optimism may include increased readiness to work under difficult, precarious conditions, or the risks of self-exploitation in general. Related to this issue is the relative youth of cultural organisations themselves, some of the more distinctive of which were founded five to ten years ago. These can now be perceived to be in their ‘golden age’, hence still unburdened with the need for a generational turnover, ageing staff and their life-stage-related needs, which have all become issues in other countries covered by this research.

2.3 SUMMARY_SLOVENIA

For the past 35 years, the Slovenian independent cultural scene has exemplified community mobilization and resistance to commercialization. Initially emerging as a hub for alternative arts, particularly punk music in the late 1980s, it led movements reclaiming public spaces and empty buildings, notably military barracks, and repurposing them into autonomous art districts. These districts, now inhabited by veteran activists and a middle generation of cultural workers, balance autonomy with engagement with institutions to address financial and urban redevelopment challenges. The pursuit of autonomy defines the scene, reflected in varied responses to attempts at institutionalisation, ranging from resistance to strategic partnerships. Metelkova and Pekarna remain squatted by independent groups. While Metelkova maintains resistance to formal oversight, Pekarna has adopted a structured management model led by Pekarna Magdalenske Mreže, involving institutional representatives in governance. Despite its maturity, the scene has rejuvenated itself, with post-pandemic teenage involvement in novel spaces like PLAC.

Different models of space use and governance exist within the cultural sector, including squatting, renting, civil-public partnerships for managing city-owned spaces, managing spaces with tri-partite ownership arrangements (such as Mestna Elektrarna Ljubljana, managed by the Bunker Institute), and utilisation of spaces granted by private owners (like the GT 22 in Maribor).

Rooted in their history and values, these cultural entities actively oppose right-wing extremism and champion LGBTQ+ rights. However, they encounter challenges like periodic fatigue, varying levels of enthusiasm, funding difficulties, staffing issues, how to engage the youth, and conflicts with authorities. Moreover, these cultural spaces have influenced political ideologies, with figures who were formerly part of the scene now active in politics. Despite promises, support for autonomous districts / spaces from the left-leaning government remains lacking, highlighting enduring tensions between the cultural scene and the state. Despite grappling with issues surrounding funding, infrastructure, and institutional backing, the cultural sector in Slovenia remains pivotal in nurturing community unity and enhancing cultural vibrancy. Its ability to meet societal demands and creatively utilise urban spaces highlights its significance within the broader cultural context.

Resilience

The sector is deeply rooted in the pursuit of autonomy, tracing back to the early squats and the establishment of independent cultural spaces in cities like Ljubljana and Maribor. These spaces arose from a need for suitable workspaces and a desire to repurpose unused urban resources, despite facing opposition from city authorities and the public (Kumer, 2020). Once established, these districts became hubs for collaboration and engagement among artists and audiences, driven by a shared goal of freedom of expression. The communities within these spaces prioritise governance grounded in horizontal decision-making and community ownership.

However, the city administration perceives these districts as hindrances to gentrification plans, particularly in valuable city centre areas, rather than as platforms for integrating art, culture, and active citizenship or welcoming socially excluded groups (Kumer, 2020). Metelkova and Pekarna have faced pressure from the municipality throughout their existence. Nataša Serec from KUD Mreža underscores the ongoing risk of eviction and previous city efforts to redevelop Metelkova mesto, which the community resisted. Similarly, Pekarna has fought and continues to resist efforts by business-focused mayors to convert the space into commercial developments. Conversely, the pursuit of autonomy serves as a departure from excessive bureaucracy and rigidity. Municipally run youth centres prioritise routine tasks and focus on bureaucracy over cultural engagement, contrasting with the dynamic energy and autonomy of spaces like the former autonomous space Inde in Koper. The Inde squat in Koper was established out of frustration with the lack of creative freedom in existing youth centres and embodied the principles of community ownership and decentralised decision-making. The sector's resilience and dedication to community engagement underscore its vital role in enriching Slovenia's cultural landscape, with the pursuit of autonomy being a fundamental driving force that has shaped the ethos of these communities.

The sector's main challenge – financial instability

The sector heavily relies on shrinking government funds. Motovila underscores the chronic lack of funding within the cultural scene and stresses the need for improved infrastructure and financial backing. The organisation is dedicated to enhancing capacity and conveying the sector’s challenges to policymakers. Additionally, Motovila supports initiatives such as greening and cultural mobility, aligning with evolving European cultural policy priorities. As they note, although Slovenia's EU membership has brought collaboration and funding opportunities, it has also restricted access to some avenues available to non-EU countries like Kosovo.

Independent cultural organisations often seek funding through open calls from municipalities and ministries. The irregularity and decline in funding create instability for these organisations, complicating their ability to cover crucial expenses such as rent and staff salaries. This financial uncertainty makes it challenging for young people to enter the cultural sector due to inadequate working conditions and insufficient support. In response, some organisations, like Metelkova in Ljubljana and those in Koper, tried to develop internal economies to support the maintenance and management of spaces. Despite the sector's proactive and innovative efforts, inadequate funding and infrastructure continue to pose challenges, underscoring the need for a vision that prioritises improved financial and infrastructural support to unlock their full potential.

Community Displacement: The Impact of Renovation

The independent cultural sector in Slovenia faces significant challenges, particularly regarding the availability and condition of spaces. There are many empty spaces, even in city centres, that are neglected due to a focus on capital and profit rather than their potential benefits for cultural and youth activities. Many organisations operate in dilapidated buildings, lacking suitable conditions for their work.

A recurring theme identified during the interviews and in consulting bibliographical sources is that municipal renovations of spaces occupied by independent cultural entities often lead to these entities’ displacement without offering suitable alternatives. This concern is currently shared by the NOR and Ræhat collectives in Koper. Renovations might be perceived by some independent entities as formalizing a relationship with authorities, potentially restricting their autonomy (e.g., Metelkova rejecting municipal contracts) and creativity. This sentiment is echoed by a municipal official interviewed in Peter Kumer's research, who stated that "improving the general infrastructure would lead to demands for formalization that, in their thinking, would create limitations on their creativity." (Kumer, 2020). Additionally, the renovation process often leads to the eviction of independent cultural organizations, as municipalities tend to favor public institutions post-renovation, resulting in frequent displacement and instability for these organizations.

However, despite their potential benefits, municipal renovations and formalised partnership agreements often neglect the distinct needs and creative independence of independent cultural organizations, underscoring persistent challenges in urban cultural policy and management. Therefore, city authorities should adopt a more comprehensive approach to ensure that the unique needs and creative freedoms of independent cultural organizations are adequately supported throughout municipal renovation projects and beyond.

3. THE MAIN SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES AMONG THE THREE COUNTRIES REGARDING THE FINDINGS IN NATIONAL REPORTS

Persistence of ideas and values, but in a changing context

What comes across as very much alike at first sight is that independent centres in both Slovenia and Croatia started to grow in locations such as deserted military or industrial complexes in the 1990s and 2000s, while in Kosovo this process began to take place after the 2000s, in different kinds of spaces, from former cinemas, libraries and ‘houses of culture’ to hangars and abandoned industrial buildings. Certain similarities among the countries exist, such as the problem of the physical state of these buildings or complexes, which are often in very bad shape. The age of the organisations in the independent scene varies, from about 30 years old in Slovenia, to about 20 years old and younger in Croatia, to only a couple of years old up to 20 years old in Kosovo. Another similarity between the Slovenian and Croatian scene represents the gradual adaptation of independent actors to EU funding, which on one hand brings additional finances to the sector, but, on the other, unifies and subsumes it under certain EU categories such as “cultural industries”, “innovations”, “providing social services”, etc. In Kosovo, foreign private investments related to the peacebuilding process are partly dismantling the society by rapidly implementing a neoliberal doctrine. This affects the independent scene, although at the same time it became well financed by the state and the sponsorship funds. These are some of the challenges to the main common idea of reclaiming public spaces.

What also comes across as very similar are the ideas and values that have persisted throughout the years and decades, even though the context is changing. In Croatia, the emphasis seems more connected to the changes in national politics than in Slovenia. However, respondents in Slovenia placed more emphasis on lacking financial support and financial stability. What seems quite different is that in Slovenia, they speak more about struggling to preserve the identity and autonomy of the spaces throughout the years and decades. While in Kosovo, due to the currently ongoing construction of the cultural system, the main issues are how to contribute to this process and ensure the sustainability of the scene. But it is common in all three countries that political shifts might seriously endanger the use of public spaces. In relation to the prevailing political climate in the three countries, participation in policy-making in Kosovo is very strong (though not always meaningful) at this point, while in Croatia and Slovenia such participation in policy-making is already somewhat of a habit, but many actors on the scene don't find this to be actually effective. It also happens occasionally that politicians become closely connected to the independent scene, like in Kosovo, where some were previously involved in civic society networks and forums. Similarly, in Croatia, some of the currently active left- and green-leaning politicians entered politics from the independent scene. In Slovenia too, a part of the left-wing party that is currently in the government grew out of the independent scene.

Governance and institutionalisation

What is also similar, albeit with some small differences, is the relationship towards governance and related questions of institutionalisation. In Croatia and especially Slovenia, there is a lot of fear of institutionalisation. In Croatia, we noticed that respondents addressed a more varied notion of institutionalisation, in one way, as formalisation and professionalisation of organisations on the independent scene, becoming institutionalised mostly through the use of EU funds, and in another, as institutionalisation of space through a form of novel (public) management of space. In Slovenia, they speak mostly about the second meaning of institutionalisation, maybe because the first meaning has already become more normalised. In both countries, fighting institutionalisation is taking different forms, from resistance (rejecting any contracts), particularly to participating in ESF funds, to forming strategic partnerships with authorities (civil-public partnerships or others). It is about the struggle for autonomy and preserving the space to create cultural conten – the reason why these actors gathered at all. It is also interesting that in Slovenia, certain independent centres define themselves as rooted in the opposition to public youth centres, founded by municipalities and managed top-down through MKCs (public youth cultural centres), while in Croatia this opposition is not in evidence.

Regarding institutionalisation, refusal of formalisation appears sporadically in both countries, most commonly in the youngest initiatives, such as Plac in Ljubljana, not wanting to legally formalise themselves, operating without an official representative. Similarly, ZIZ in Maribor avoided formalisation up till recently, but gave in due to the need for financial stability. It seems that an informal status can have good sides (beside the bad side of instability), as we could also see in Croatia, where the institutions in Pula (Rojc) and Rijeka (Filodrammatica) are currently without lease agreements for their space, but they somehow accept this situation as better than certain formal scenarios. Furthermore, Plac refuses to become a legal entity with which the state as the property owner could legally communicate. On the other hand, in Metelkova they mention the need for more formal connection between the users, and they speak about their own lack of written rules.

These aspects of formalisation of relations are also strongly connected to the fear that those spaces that have multiple users, such as Rojc or Filodrammatica in Croatia, and Metelkova or Pekarna in Slovenia Metelkova, Pekarna might be dismantled. In all these places the question arises whether common lease agreements for space would dismantle the communities in these spaces and give the owners more control, opening the possibility of evictions. Or the contrary, this type of contract would bring about a higher level of responsibility and better organisation and use of spaces. We can notice something like a model of a fragmented governance structure emerging in Pekarna, Metelkova, Molekula/Filodrammatica, and Rojc. In relation to this, similarly in both countries, the fear of the renovation of these old complexes raises the question of whether the owner might use the renovation as an opportunity to repurpose the premises and evict the current users. This has happened to an extent in Pekarna in Maribor, and fully in Rog in Ljubljana, and is a possibility elsewhere (Libertas in Koper, Metelkova in Ljubljana, Rojc in Pula, Filodrammatica and Ivex in Rijeka, even Paromlin in Zagreb could leave out independent culture in the end). On the other hand, in Kosovo, when municipalities renovate spaces, the users don't seem that anxious about their repurposing; however, this rarely happens. Similarly, in Slovenia and Croatia, more and more actors using the spaces in independent centres are being left in the “grey zones”, without lease agreements. It is a status quo that currently seems to suit both sides, but could eventually hang the independent scene out to dry. Finally, other kinds of relations, even partnerships between the independent scene and city- or state-owned premises do exist, offering somewhat more stable cooperation and use of public cultural infrastructure (HKD in Rijeka, Narodni dom Maribor, Pogon in Zagreb).

In Kosovo, we do not encounter similar larger multi-user centres. More prominent organisations, such as Oda Theater, Lumbardhi or the Jusuf Gervalla cinema, are entrusted with governing the larger buildings, which they then open to other cultural subjects. Other arrangements are made on an individual and organisational basis between the organisations and municipalities, oftentimes based on time-limited ‘memorandums of understanding’ with a weak legal basis, including rent and utilities-free contracts. Volatility, unreliability of municipalities as partners, and the fact that such contracts are managed on an ad hoc basis remains a great downside to such arrangements, an issue connected with political instability, giving rise to a need for greater standardization and regulation.

Generational turnover

There are evident differences regarding this issue among the three countries. In Slovenia, there is not much mention of the generational transition, either about it happening or about the need for it, so it might be that it has been going on without issue, or that has not been reflected on (at least not in these interviews). In comparison to this, Croatian respondents spoke a lot about the loss of enthusiasm due to the ageing of the pioneers of the independent scene, while Slovenian respondents mostly spoke about enthusiasm drying out due to the lack of financial stability and precariousness of employment in the sector. We can also notice, in the Slovenian actors’ responses, that there is less self-reflection and critical thinking about the internal relations within the independent sector, while the Croatian respondents spoke a lot about how they see themselves and the relations within the scene. Slovenian respondents spoke mostly about their external relations to municipalities, the state, and the funders. Croatian respondents spoke with concern about how few young people there were to take over the independent spaces, including in terms of governance. A smaller difference can be seen in regard to the experience of the Covid pandemic – Slovenian respondents spoke of significant disruptions due to limitations on physical interaction, but it is not clear whether this is related to differences in the constraints in during the Covid period or to the structure of the independent cultural sectors in the two countries.

In Kosovo, generational turnover still does not represent the issue, which probably has to do with the youth of the population (the median age in Kosovo is 27, while in Slovenia and Croatia it is around 44) and the age of the independent scene as such. Given this youthful energy, in Kosovo we notice the undertaking of very daring, in certain contexts even unimaginable activities, and as the financing available has been growing and the culture is becoming more structured in a wider sense, the level of optimism on the scene is rather high. While the younger initiatives in Slovenia and Croatia also show high motivation and don't share the tiredness of the pioneers of the scene, they are still not daring in the same sense as the ones in Kosovo, but display such proactive stances in a more strategic and thought-through manner. Though the generational turnover issue is still inexistent on organisational levels, certain actors have expressed concerns regarding increased living expenses related to shifting life-stages, as well as resistance towards accepting permanent precarity as the only option on the Kosovo independent scene. The burden of generational turnover is particularly visible in Croatia, where newer generations express refusal to take up the ‘organisational dream’ and the ideals of previous generations in their entirety, showing clearly that more inter-generational dialogue is needed.

The self-reflective and self-investigating independent sector

The interviews reveal the Croatian independent scene as the most self-reflective, and also as the one that produced a wide range of studies and reports over the last decade. In Slovenia, the self-reflection of the scene is directed more towards understanding the position and the mission of the scene within the wider societal circumstances, and is also strongly oriented towards criticism of the external conditions affecting the scene. In Croatia, there is more reflection about the internal relations on the independent scene, a lot of research on models, ways of operating and governance, and in the interviews, a lot of discussion of the problems involved in the switch made by some people into politics. In general, self-reflection is strongly present both in Slovenia and Croatia, however with different referents. Both countries show a lot of potential for transformation in the self-awareness of their respective scenes and their positions in societal and political contexts. While the scene in Kosovo does have some local forums dedicated to self-reflection, with the dissolution of the national network this is not so strongly present at the national level. This might also be connected to the comparative youth of the Kosovan scene, which at this point is at another stage of development, directing energy primarily into growth and realisation of potentials, and less into detecting internal problems, flaws and self-reflection. Nevertheless, similar to Croatia, in Kosovo, alternative archiving of the scene is also being developed, which also somewhat fills in the gaps left by the inadequate archiving practices at the national level, with the need for research of the independent scene remaining substantial. Regarding the younger Kosovo scene, we might mention the youngest of the independent spaces in Slovenia, the Plac in Ljubljana, which was inhabited in 2022. The situation there seems to differ from others, with the users of Plac apparently more homogenous and ideologically coherent than in other, older spaces in Slovenia and Croatia. This might be so due to Plac being still at a very early stage of its life, only one and a half years old. It is in the phase when enthusiasm is thriving, and community building is a priority. It is also interesting that their vision is to remain a non-commercial and non-bureaucratic space, their purpose to gather people without economic constraints, not to use the space that much for production, but rather to spend non-commercial time in it. This self-definition does not fully resemble the self-definitions of older squats and other independent centres that are in focus here. Termokiss in Pristina is a somewhat similar example, a DIY space operating in synergy with the neighbourhood, oriented towards community building, practising the horizontality principle, and governing itself through weekly assemblies. These examples display innovativeness that transgresses the boundaries of cultural content production, creating more inclusive, ‘safer spaces’, introducing fresh ideas and practices of democracy.

Concerning self-reflection and self-understanding of the scene, we might also mention the difference that became apparent regarding how culture is seen in a wider social and political climate. Some respondents in Kosovo mentioned the perception of culture among employees in municipalities as something of a luxury, in the sense that more pressing needs exist, while in Croatia and Slovenia, culture is increasingly being presented as something redundant, even though it was seen as a luxury in the past. The actors on the independent scene therefore have an additional task: they need to (continuously) advocate for the basic position of culture in societal and political reality.

Overall, it can be said that the capacity of these scenes to self-reflect and critically position themselves in the wider societal and political context remains one of the greatest strengths of the independent scene in all three countries.

Access to public spaces

While there are certain similarities in access to public space among the three countries in focus, the Kosovo case stands out as the most specific. The post-socialist transformations in Croatia and Slovenia also imposed the imperative of privatisation, although without legally blocking the allocation of spaces to cultural organisations, which was the case until recently in Kosovo. Nevertheless, in Croatia and Slovenia, the corruptive processes, privatisation, contestations, and struggle for spaces also reduced the accessibility of public space to social and cultural actors. Overall, the principal area of difference between the three countries lies in the fact that access to public space, or the restriction thereof, is not inscribed into state-building processes. In all three countries, public space is contested and substantial efforts are made to claim it, but in Kosovo, this has not been normalised as it had been under the previous version of its Law on Property Regulation. The legacies of such practices have made access to public space the principal issue of Kosovo’s civic sphere.

Regarding artist residencies, there are some differences between Slovenia and Croatia. In Croatia, artist residencies are more sporadically present, both as programmes and premises, while in Slovenia there are more permanent artists-in-residency programmes, also evidenced by the Motovila NGO as part of their support programme for independent culture. However, for both countries there remains a problem: there are far too few such premises, and those that do exist are mostly owned and fully managed by public institutions. In Kosovo, two organisations run residency programmes in their own premises: Foundation 17 in Hivzi Sulejmani house, in cooperation with the municipality, and Autostrada Biennale in their current premises in hangars that were previously a military complex, and are nowadays an innovation camp. Interviewees further expressed that they had some experience with residency programmes, either through renting flats (Qendra Multimedia) or more informally, by offering their homes and spaces (Lumbardhi, Termokiss, Defy Them, Stereo Space). It needs to be stressed that interest in developing residency programmes is high, and that the need to learn more about the possibilities of residency formats and their funding has also been expressed. A suggestion was raised to develop a database of residencies in the country, informing cultural actors on the programmes, artistic fields covered, accommodation and workspaces available, which is expected to enhance resource utilisation and exchange across the scene. The possibility of developing residencies in cooperation with the university over the summer, when dormitory spaces are empty, was also expressed.

Difference in developmental temporalities

There are great differences among the countries in terms of focus regarding developmental temporalities of the local independent scenes, which can best be traced through the emergence of organisational networks that represent, position and advocate for the scenes within the wider cultural systems. In Kosovo, this process started to develop in the 2010s, more precisely in 2012, when the Oda Theatre initiated the establishment of the Network of Independent Organizations of Culture – Cultural Forum, gathering 22 organisations from all over the country, which would soon become the voice of the scene. It produced numerous documents and research reports, positioning the independent scene as an actor within the cultural system, which acquired know-how on networking from the region, especially Croatia. Though this network ceased to exist due to the lack of funds, it left a valuable legacy by initiating local forums in Peja, Prizren, and Mitrovica. By comparison, a similar political subjectivation of the scene in Croatia began around the 2000s, growing out of the need to better position the scene within the cultural system of the country. This was most prominently exemplified by the founding in 2002 of the Clubture Network, a programme platform connecting independent cultural organizations, initiatives and non-profit clubs through innovative and participative processes of exchange. Similarly, in Slovenia, the Asociacija network was founded in 2003, building on informal networking that had developed over the previous decade. Finally, reinforcing the ties among the existing community on the regional level, in 2012, Kooperativa – Regional Network for Culture was founded, with headquarters in Zagreb, and later on with an additional centre in Skopje. This network allowed a lot of knowledge building and experience sharing, benefitting the development of national and local cultural networks across the region.

Temporal differences in the development of cultural systems of the countries in focus are also evident in the policy-making activity currently taking place in Kosovo. By comparison, Croatia and Slovenia began to undergo such processes in the early 2000s. These differences in temporalities of institution building further differentiate the positioning of the independent scenes in these countries, hindering or enabling their further trajectories. Another factor indicating the youth of independent culture in terms of governance is the so-called ‘educational process’ with the politicians, which in Kosovo still seems to be ongoing, as the interviewees have expressed their dissatisfaction with having to explain what they do to each new authority. Establishing a political subjectivity that would represent the scene remains a need, something that is also present in different policy documents in Kosovo.

Youth-related issues

Youth remains the principal difference between Kosovo, Croatia and Slovenia, both in terms of population, actors on the scene, organizations, and the cultural system in general. When we look into the development of the cultural system, experiences, attitude and energy projected into future developments, the differences between the countries become even starker. By this point, independent cultural actors in Slovenia and Croatia have experienced optimism and enthusiasm, but also disenchantment with the reach and results of institutionalisation and with the decades of advocacy processes in general. These scenes also experienced a democratic backlash, particularly in Croatia in 2016, when the (far-)right government slashed funding for cultural and human rights organisations, making a cut from which the scene never fully recovered. Similarly, over a couple of mandates, the right-wing Slovenian government also landed some ‘low blows’ on the independent cultural scene and the civil sector in general. However, from what we have observed in Kosovo as it is undergoing its institutionalization processes, the impression is that the system and expectations from it are currently on an upward swing, and regardless of the possible outcomes, optimism is rather high.

Political and Economic Context

Distinct political and economic conditions influence the development and sustainability of independent cultural scenes in Croatia, Kosovo and Slovenia. In Croatia, the years of rapid ‘Europeanization’, also present in the cultural sector, were suddenly replaced by a democratic backlash, limiting funding and even the very existence of the independent cultural scene. This fluctuating environment requires constant adaptation and resilience from the cultural actors, expending a lot of energy on already ‘resolved’ issues, depleting the scene of optimism. In Kosovo, the prevailing political environment currently demonstrates a clear commitment to acknowledging and supporting independent cultural initiatives, fostering a sense of optimism and expansion within the sector. Despite this favourable backdrop, however, the scene continues to face challenges, particularly in securing adequate funding to sustain its activities, or to adapt and build capacity to keep up with developments. In Slovenia, its long-standing tradition of resisting commercialization and institutionalisation places a strong emphasis on autonomy. With the shifting political context, particularly on the local levels, some mayors adopted a neoliberal approach to public spaces, exerting pressure on districts such as Pekarna and Metelkova, and pushing for their commercial redevelopment. Despite assurances from the current left-leaning central government, including from politicians from the independent cultural scene, the promises to collaborate with autonomous spaces have not been fulfilled. The availability of Ministry funds leaves the community in Metelkova somewhat reassured and safe from commercialization. However, there remains apprehension about potential uncertainties in the event of a change in government.

Generational Dynamics

The independent cultural scenes of Croatia, Kosovo and Slovenia each demonstrate unique generational dynamics that influence their respective cultural landscapes. Croatia is undergoing a challenging generational transition, characterised by differences in approaches and aspirations between the older and newer generations. This generational shift has led to varying perspectives on cultural practices and organisational strategies within the sector. In Kosovo, the cultural scene is notably youthful, with a high level of engagement from young people, actively shaping the future of the sector, infusing the cultural landscape with fresh energy and innovative ideas. Slovenia features a blend of veteran activists and middle-generation cultural workers (Metelkova and Pekarna), creating a diverse and experienced cultural community. Recently, the scene has been further revitalised by the involvement of teenagers following the pandemic, bringing new vitality and perspectives to the sector (Plac). Conversely, discussions with interviewees in Slovenia also highlight the lack of youth engagement and the unappealing nature of programmes targeted at them. Middle-generation respondents observed that young people are becoming Americanised, prioritizing lucrative careers over involvement in non-profit activities. Some veteran cultural actors stressed the importance of including younger members in organizations to improve communication strategies, noting that veterans often rely on more traditional methods for designing posters and general communication. Conversely, younger members of the cultural scene pointed out that some organizations’ programming struggles to engage younger audiences effectively. In conclusion, the distinct generational dynamics observed across the independent cultural sectors in Croatia, Kosovo and Slovenia underscore the evolving nature of cultural landscapes and the importance of adapting organisational strategies to effectively engage with changing demographics.

Financial matters

Financing of independent culture remains an ongoing issue in all of the countries in focus. In Croatia, the independent cultural sector grapples with economic uncertainty and bureaucratic complexities, despite some relief from the newly established cultural foundation (Kultura Nova) and EU funding streams. Accessing these resources for structural funding (European Structural Funds) typically involves navigating rigorous bureaucratic procedures, resulting in organisational reconfiguration and a tendency towards over-institutionalization, forcing many organizations to opt out entirely from engaging with this fund. This phenomenon has also been observed in Slovenia. Financial instability is compounded by recurrent reductions in state funding for culture, with a discernible shift in support towards cultural industries over independent cultural initiatives. Irregularities and reductions in funding opportunities further complicate the ability of cultural organisations to meet essential expenses such as rent and salaries for personnel. Conversely, Kosovo's independent cultural landscape is characterised by a supportive political and economic atmosphere. The government's commitment to augmenting cultural budgets and enhancing grant allocation processes has fostered a positive outlook within the sector. Innovations in funding mechanisms and increased financial backing contribute to a flourishing cultural scene. However, these also raise questions regarding the sustainability of such a model and whether subsequent governments would continue them. Nevertheless, challenges persist, particularly regarding the allocation of public spaces for cultural endeavours, with implementation lagging behind legal reforms, and business interests often taking precedence.

Community Displacement: The Impact of Renovation

The independent cultural spaces often appear to be unfit for the activities involved in cultural production and for properly carrying them out. In Slovenia, the independent actors face significant challenges regarding the availability and condition of spaces. Many spaces, even those in city centres, remain neglected, with profit being prioritised over their potential for cultural and youth activities. Numerous organisations operate in deteriorating buildings, lacking suitable conditions for work. A recurring issue arises with municipal renovations, which often leave cultural organisations without alternatives. The instability of occupancy further exacerbates challenges, with organisations frequently facing displacement due to uncertain futures, regardless of previous promises given by the property owners. This is most prominently exemplified by the closure of the city-owned Skladišče Libertas space in Koper for renovation without clear alternative options, and especially and most visibly with the forceful removal of the independent actors squatting in Rog in Ljubljana despite initial promises the space would be reserved for them. Despite positive investments in cultural infrastructure, municipal renovation projects for city-owned spaces previously used by independent actors often prioritize public institutions and neglect the needs of independent cultural organizations. In this aspect, Croatia and Slovenia share a common concern, as evidenced by situations in places such as Rojc in Pula, Filodrammatica and Ivex in Rijeka, even Paromlin in Zagreb. In contrast, the interviewed users of spaces in Kosovo haven't expressed such concerns about the potential repurposing of spaces during or after renovations.

In conclusion, shared concerns in Croatia and Slovenia regarding the repurposing of old complexes during renovation underscore the need for collaborative efforts and advocacy by the scene. While in Kosovo, the users of these spaces may not have yet expressed similar concerns, potential challenges loom as the cultural scene evolves. Addressing these issues demands prioritising the needs of independent cultural organisations, fostering partnerships and advocating for sustainable solutions to ensure the sector's vitality and resilience.

Finally, in the realm of self-reflection and innovation, Croatia stands out for its emphasis on introspection and research, employing these qualities and knowledge-building processes to confront obstacles and foster advancements. Kosovo, on the other hand, showcases a culture of innovation and optimism, driven by its youthful and dynamic scene, demonstrating entrepreneurial spirit and introducing novel themes. In Slovenia, a delicate balance is struck between autonomy and strategic alliances, leveraging community mobilisation to tackle financial and urban development challenges.

4. RECOMMENDATIONS, SUGGESTIONS, POSSIBLE INTERPRETATIONS OF THE FINDINGS, OPEN QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH AND INNOVATION

- Pioneers and veterans who were instrumental in establishing independent cultural spaces have the potential to mentor the younger generation. By sharing their extensive experience and knowledge, these seasoned activists can guide new initiatives. Their mentorship can provide valuable insights, foster innovative ideas, and support the development of robust, sustainable cultural projects led by the next generation.

- Training for experimenting could be introduced; experimenting with the imaginal/virtual/fictional could enrich the scene with new methods of working, but also as a relief from the stress that results from the unmanageable reality.

- Workshops for developing and promoting new categories and notions with regard to independent culture could be developed. Since independent culture is often misplaced in, or missed out from, traditional categories in cultural politics (i.e. visual arts, artist, event, art epochs etc.), and since independent culture is by default an inventor of new types of presence of culture, some new categories and notions are needed, which the independent scene can use to describe itself, and on the other hand, which policy makers can/should use in their strategies and tenders, and which archives and libraries can use in their categorisatons of material etc.

- Training on innovative practices of finding and using spaces could be implemented. For instance: rotation and optimisation and switching models of using the spaces; couch-surfing residency; informal governance models as a tactic of using open and public spaces; private space renting; temporary use; rethinking complementarity and compatibility of different spaces; decentralised and dispersed programming and use of spaces; experimental use of spaces. Also, a “heretical idea” has emerged through these interviews, that maybe those old half-deteriorated buildings should be deserted by the independent scene, since it is becoming impossible to deal with renovation-fatigue. In some cases, it is becoming a question whether it would not be better to just leave these old buildings and invest the energy and the money into renting something more manageable, to use the remaining energy for substantial work. Also, training might be provided on adapting the activities of the cultural actors to a nomadic model, of course, for those who can adapt to such changes.

- It might also be interesting to learn from succession programmes for family businesses, since the problem of succession has been well researched, and support programmes have been developed, and there are some similarities in organisational aspects between family businesses and independent centres and networks in regard to generational transition.

- Relations with social and solidarity economies might be established, since in all three countries they were mentioning social entrepreneurship as part of their hybrid business planning. Hybrid models might be a response to the “tender applicants’ fatigue”, and are also seen as a way out of precarity. Support for the development of cultural and artists’ cooperatives could be provided. In this regard we might mention that in all three countries, some see culture as their hobby, but actually make a living doing other jobs.

- Workshops on terminology could be held, to raise awareness about words that are used on the scene regarding these issues: “owner” vs. “authorised managers”; “us” and “them”; “the head of an organisation”; “un-institutional” vs. “independent culture”, and similar. Therefore, introducing training using the critical literacy approach (developed by Paolo Freire and others) could teach the independent scene to use the terminology and be aware that “reading the word is reading the world”, and consequently that “saying the word is creating the world”.

- Investigating different approaches to change-making could be beneficial for the sector: for instance, “producing change” compared to “facilitating change”.

- The sector could improve career opportunities for younger people, keeping in mind they are more nomadic, flexible, a so-called “project generation”, with fewer identity issues about the independent scene and less inclination towards long-term commitments.

- Psychotherapy and self-care workshops or sessions for actors on the independent cultural scenes would be valuable if they could be provided.

- Establishing the governance model (whether formal or informal) by developing workshops/training on tactics for ensuring participatory governance based on understanding the game of power that is being played between the owners of buildings (usually the city) and the users. Regarding governance, it would also be useful to develop precise procedures for the gradual inclusion of people (newcomers) into the management of spaces.

- There is a need to investigate “the desire of the owner”, to conduct a precise investigation of what the owner of the space wants, whether a city or another entity. Maybe they don’t know what they want and sustain the status quo for this reason. Maybe they have secret plans or subversive open plans, like repurposing the space to become an innovation hub. Maybe the owner's strategy is to just wait until the users are worn out, dead tired. Maybe the owner doesn't want to deal with collectives but only with one contractual party. Maybe the owner is not even thinking about, or bothering with their space. Further tactics and strategies must be adapted to these findings, since the tactics of the struggle today need to be different from the tactics of the struggle of the squatters of the 1990s and 2000s.

- There is a need to investigate the potential of AI in the field of governing the independent centres, and also in regard to supporting the networking of the independent scene as such, not only to optimise governance but also to open up to the young, since the young don’t much like the structure of organisations, even civil society organisations, and might prefer the structure of platforms and algorithms as this is the mode they are used to.

- Young activists, as observed in interviews, are dismayed by the inability of established organisations to offer young people programmes that resonate with current trends. Workshops focusing on communication strategies and programme relevance offer an avenue for intergenerational sharing of knowledge and experience. Younger initiatives can introduce contemporary trends in communication and programming, aiding more established organisations, which, as revealed in interviews (Metelkova, Pekarna, etc.), face challenges in effectively engaging youth both as volunteers and programme participants.

- In preserving their spaces and resisting urban gentrification and commercialization, independent cultural entities, both established and emerging, consistently encounter challenges from municipal authorities. They react by involving the community in initiatives driven by community efforts, using grassroots methods to envision and plan their environments or involve the community in identifying the actual needs of the neighbourhood. Many organizations involved in this research exemplify these approaches. They have collaborated with neighbours and academia to develop visions and models of what real community needs would look like when addressed in their neighbourhood. It is crucial for all autonomous spaces to embrace proactive community involvement as a means of resilience. Documenting past efforts and establishing new programmes that foster collaboration among these spaces, academia, and urban planning authorities are essential steps. By utilizing their resources, expertise, and community engagement strategies, autonomous spaces can spearhead innovative, community-focused initiatives and act as intermediaries when communities lack the tools to communicate their needs to city authorities.

- There is a need to inform the actors on the independent scene about the types and formats of residency programmes that can be organised, as well as on the available funding options. Additionally, creating a database with information on the existing residency programmes, such as accommodation, workspace, and other resources, would be helpful in facilitating their use and promoting exchange within and between countries.

- Develop continuous research and archival activities on a wide array of issues significant for the further growth of the independent cultural scene: from the practices of archiving activities undertaken over the past 30 and more years, to governance models and other issues (working conditions, generational turnover, etc). Connecting researchers and scholars of diverse backgrounds in the humanities, arts and social sciences, as well as experienced practitioners, would be beneficial for the scene’s self-reflection and for envisioning future trajectories.

- The development of residency programmes in collaboration with municipalities, universities and other public actors should be considered, as they often own various spaces, ranging from dormitories to exhibition venues, which could be utilized at certain times of the year (e.g. during summer, when the students are away).

- Educational and informative activities directed towards municipalities, public administration, and other actors, regarding the benefits of cooperation with actors in independent culture, stressing the importance cultural events hold for a city and the related symbolic and material benefits. Better communication.

- Further education for decision makers and the public could be provided, on the main characteristics of the independent cultural sector, its principles, contributions to society, needs, etc., with the goal of ‘mainstreaming’ the message to the wider public.

5. SOURCES

Augestad Knudsen, Rita. 2013. “Privatization in Kosovo: ‘Liberal Peace’ in Practice”. Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 7(3), 287-307.

Breznik M. 2007. “The Role of Culture in the Strategies of 'City Regeneration'”. In Cultural Transitions in Southeastern Europe - The Creative City: Crossing Visions and New Realities in the Region, Švob-Ðokić, (ed.), Institute for International Relations, Zagreb, pp. 81-94, available online: https://irmo.hr/wp-content/uploads/2007/11/Svob-Djokic_Creative_City.pdf

Brown A. 2020. “Life after Covid: Who will survive?” article in Arts Professional. Available online: https://www.artsprofessional.co.uk/magazine/article/life-after-covid-who-will-survive

Celakoski, Teodor et al. 2021. Nacrt plana upravljanja društvenim centrom Rojc. Zelena Istra and Savez udruga Rojca. Accessible at: https://rojcnet.pula.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/Web_NACRT-PLANA-UPRAVLJANJA-DC-ROJC-1.pdf

Čukić, Iva and Timotijević, Jovana. 2020. Contextual Framework: Former Yugoslav region. In Spaces of Commoning: Urban Commons in the ex-Yu Region, Iva Čukić and Jovana Timotijević, eds., 40-60. Belgrade: Ministry of Space / Institute for Urban Politics.

Demiri, Lirika and Kadriu, Aulonë. 2022. Prishtina bids farewell to Manifesta. Kosovo 2.0. Available at: https://kosovotwopointzero.com/en/prishtina-bids-farewell-to-manifesta/ (accessed 24/05/2024).

Dragusha, Njomza and Rexha, Orbis. 2020a. Kinema Jusuf Gërvalla / Jusuf Gervalla Cinema. In Spaces of Commoning: Urban Commons in the ex-Yu Region, Iva Čukić and Jovana Timotijević, eds., 130-137. Belgrade: Ministry of Space / Institute for Urban Politics.

Dragusha, Njomza and Rexha, Orbis. 2020b. Qendra për Komunitet Termokiss / Termokiss Community Centre. In Spaces of Commoning: Urban Commons in the ex-Yu Region, Iva Čukić and Jovana Timotijević, eds., 138-152. Belgrade: Ministry of Space / Institute for Urban Politics.

Durmuşoğlu, Övül Ö. 2022. Postwar Punk in Prishtina. Art Basel. Available at: https://www.artbasel.com/stories/postwar-punk-pristina-kosovo-manifesta?lang=en (accessed 24/05/2024).

Hasimja, Rudina. 2022. Hapësirat kulturore të Kosovës/Prostori kulture na Kosovu/Culture Spaces of Kosovo. Pejë: Anibar.

Haxihaj, Serbeze. 2024. Kosovo’s Houses of Culture, Fading Relics of the Yugoslav Past. Balkan Transitional Justice, January 5, 2024. Available at: https://balkaninsight.com/2024/01/05/kosovos-houses-of-culture-fading-relics-of-the-yugoslav-past/ (accessed 24/05/2024).

Kelmendi, Fiona. 2023. Kosovo’s youth: Overcoming challenges and creating opportunities. Österreichische Gesellschaft für Europapolitik, Policy Brief, April 23, 2023. Available at: https://www.oegfe.at/policy-briefs/kosovos-youth-overcoming-challenges-and-creating-opportunities/?lang=en#:~:text=Introduction,this%20immense%20potential%20for%20growth (accessed 24/05/2024).

Kumer P. 2020. Self-Governance and social inclusion in a post-socialist city: contradictions between city-designed and naturally-ocurring arts districts. Teorija in Praksa, Druzboslovna revija, let.57 1/2020, pp. 205-222, available online: https://www.fdv.uni-lj.si/docs/default-source/tip/samoupravljanje-in-socialna-vključenost-v-postsocialističnem-mestu-nasprotja-med-načrtovanimi-in-samoniklimi-kulturnimi-soseskami6017c0304f2c67bc8e26ff00008e8d04.pdf?sfvrsn=0

Kumer, P. (2020), Hidden geographies of social justice in an urban environment: the particularities of naturally-occurring arts districts, European Journal of Geography, Vol. 11, Issue 2, pp. 123-136, https://eurogeojournal.eu/index.php/egj/article/view/140

Matanovac Vučković, Romana, Uzelac, Aleksandra and Vidović, Dea (ed). 2022. Pregled kulturnog razvoja I kulturnih politika u Republici Hrvatskoj. Zagreb: Ministarstvo kulture i medija Republike Hrvatske and Hrvatska sveučilišna naklada. Accessible at: https://min-kulture.gov.hr/UserDocsImages/dokumenti/Pregled%20kulturnog%20razvoja%20i%20kulturnih%20politika%20u%20Republici%20Hrvatskoj.pdf

Matjaž E. and Kosi T. 2020. The art of survival: Slovenian cultural and creative workers in the time of the COVID-19 epidemic. Poligon Creative Centre. Available online: http://www.poligon.si/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/the_art_of_survival.pdf

Maxharraj, Shaban. 2024. The overdue call to the independent scene is powered by three years of support. KOHA, April 4, 2024. Available at: https://www.koha.net/en/kulture/415154/thirrja-e-vonuar-per-skenen-e-pavarur-fuqizohet-me-mbeshtetje-trevjecare (accessed 04/04/2024).

Maxharraj, Shaban. 2023. The government announces the “new cultural policy” for the “dignity of the artist”. KOHA, June 30, 2023. Available at: https://www.koha.net/en/culture/383518/the-government-announces-the-new-cultural-policy-for-the-dignity-of-the-artist/ (accessed 03/10/2023).

Mišković, Davor and Celakoski, Teo. 2020. Një raport hulumtimi mbi peisazhin kulturor të Kosovës/Research Report on Cultural Scene in Kosovo/Izveštaj istraživanja o kulturnom pejzažu Kosova. Pristina: Quendra Multimedia.

Nabergoj S. 2013. Gesamtkunstwerk Metelkova Mesto. Časopis za kritiko znanosti, vol. 41, nr. 253. Available online: https://ckz.si/docs/publications/journals/253/253-029-041.pdf

Nedučin D, Krklješ M. and Gajić Z. 2019. Post-socialist context of culture-led urban regeneration – Case study of a street in Novi Sad, Serbia. Cities, Vol. 85, feb. 2019, pp. 72-82, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/330801256_Post-socialist_context_of_culture-led_urban_regeneration_-_Case_study_of_a_street_in_Novi_Sad_Serbia

Program razvoja kulture Grada Zagreba 2024.-2030. (2023). The City of Zagreb. Accessible at:https://www.zagreb.hr/UserDocsImages/kultura/Programa%20razvoja%20kulture%20Grada%20Zagreba%202024-2030.pdf

Shporta, Ares. 2021. Kosovo Cinemas in Context: a reportage. Landscapes of Repair Blog. Available at: https://landscapesofrepair.org (accessed 24/05/2024).

Shporta, Ares. 2020. Convenience of State-Building. Articulating Cultural Policies in Kosovo. In Kann Kultur Politik? – Kann Politik Kultur? Warum wir wieder mehr über Kulturpolitik sprechen sollten, Michael Wimmer, ed., 108-119. Berlin: De Gruyter and Universität für angewandte kunst Wien. Available at: https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110682823-013/html (accessed 24/05/2024).

Siegrist N. 2023. A Tale of Two Squats: Gentrification and Urban Movements in Contemporary Ljubljana. Urban Matters Journal, Issue: Class and the City, available at: https://urbanmattersjournal.com/a-tale-of-two-squats-gentrification-and-urban-movements-in-contemporary-ljubljana/

Siegrist N. and Thörn H. 2020. Metelkova as Autonomous Heterotopia. Antipode, A Radical Journal of Geography, vol. 52, Issue 6, pp.1561-1883, available at: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/anti.12677

Sörensen Stilhoff, Jens. 2009. State Collapse and reconstruction in the Periphery. Political Economy, Ethnicity and Development in Yugoslavia, Serbia and Kosovo. New York and Oxford: Berghan Books.

Sutlović, Leda. 2023. Weaving spaces: How regional spaces for culture shape narratives for (local) art, culture and cooperation. Zagreb: Kooperativa – Regional Platform for Culture and Operation City. Accessible at:https://operacijagrad.net/system/publication/document/14/SB_II_web.pdf

Thörn, H. 2012. “In between Social Engineering and Gentrification: Urban Restructuring, Social Movements, and the Place Politics of Open Space.” Journal of Urban Affairs 34 (2): 153–68. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1467-9906.2012.00608.x

Vidović, Dea (ed.). 2018. Do it Together. Practices and Tendencies of Participatory Governance in Culture in the Republic of Croatia. Zagreb: Kultura Nova Foundation. Accessible at:https://kulturanova.hr/file/ckeDocument/files/Notes_EN_web.pdf

Žapčić, Andreja et al. 2020. Trasiranje puta novim modelima upravljanja: Uspjesi u limbu asimetričnih partnerstava. Kurziv – Platforma za pitanja kulture, medija i društva and Savez udruga Operacija grad. Accessible at:https://operacijagrad.net/system/publication/document/1/6.-trasiranje-puta-novim-modelima-upravljanja-uspjesi-u-limbu-asimetricnih-partnerstava_publikacija2_web.pdf

Žuvela, Ana, Sirovica, Hana, Pavić, Katarina and Mišković, Davor. 2020. Studija slučaja: Praksa bez pravnog okvira. Analiza modela sudioničkog upravljanja u šest kulturnih centara Grada Zagreba. Zagreb: Savez udruga Operacija grad. Accessible at: https://operacijagrad.net/system/publication/document/2/6.-publikacija1_web.pdf

WEBSITES:

Anibar: https://anibar.org

Autostrada Biennale: https://autostradabiennale.org

Booksa / Kulturtreger: https://booksa.hr/

Bunker institute: https://www.bunker.si

Centar za dokumentiranje nezavisne kulture: https://abcdnk.hr/Glavna_stranica

Cukrarna: https://cukrarna.art/en/about-us/

Defy Them: https://www.facebook.com/defythemrecords/

Dokufest: https://dokufest.com

Drugo more: https://drugo-more.hr/

Društveni centar Rojc: https://rojcnet.pula.org/

Festival IZIS, official website: https://festival-izis.org/en/